The Wharton Alumni Magazine
Winter 1999
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Going Up!

Debating the Future of Social Security

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It’s vital, Mitchell adds, that reform not be postponed because many disillusioned young people already believe that Social Security “won’t be there for them” when they retire.

“One reason young workers today feel worried about the system is that they don’t know what’s going to happen,” she notes. “They don’t know if they should be saving more or working longer. That’s why I propose that reform should happen sooner rather than later. People could then … do what they needed to do to meet the new rules.”

A Pay-As-You-Go System

How did Social Security get into this mess? Launched in 1935 as part of the New Deal, Social Security is a pay-as-you-go system, which means that the taxes paid by today’s workers and employers provide just enough money to pay benefits to today’s recipients. (By law, any Social Security income not needed to pay benefits must be invested in Treasury securities. Trust fund assets are allowed to build up only to the extent required to prevent exhaustion of the trust fund by what the government calls “short term economic fluctuations.”) The pay-as-you-go aspect of the system generally makes Social Security different from most private pension plans, which are funded — meaning that benefits owed to retirees and current workers could be paid by money already in hand.

A key problem is the decline in the number of employees per beneficiary. In 1960, 5.1 workers paid Social Security taxes for each retiree. In 1996, the ratio was 3.3 to one. By 2030, as the number of older people continues to grow, the ratio will shrink to two workers per beneficiary. What’s more, unlike a 401(k) plan, Social Security is not merely a retirement system. It is also an antipoverty program designed to redistribute income so that poorer workers have a safety net to help them in old age. “It was no accident that the Social Security system began in the Great Depression when many people had their savings wiped out,” notes Andrew Abel, Robert Morris Professor of Banking, Finance and Economics.

As a social insurance program, the system has worked remarkably well. According to U.S. News & World Report, only one in 10 seniors is poor today, compared with one in three in 1959. Today, seniors are the age group least likely to live in poverty. About two-thirds of today’s Social Security recipients receive at least half their income from the system. In fact, Abel notes, those people who joined the system in its first few decades “got very high rates of return” in the form of handsome benefits relative to what they contributed in payroll taxes.

Social Security also pays benefits to disabled workers who have not reached retirement age, to spouses and children of retired and disabled workers, and to spouses and children of deceased workers. In fact, retired people make up only 62 percent of all beneficiaries, according to the Social Security Advisory Board.

If you think most Americans understand how Social Security works, consider this unscientific piece of evidence: Marshall E. Blume, Howard Butcher Professor of Finance, tells how he once gave a talk to a community group about personal finance. Several educated, well-off attendees told him they believed that the Social Security “contributions” made by themselves and their employers over the years went to accounts with their names on them in Washington, to be drawn from upon retirement.

Three Options for Reform

At the heart of the debate over reform are questions about the fundamental nature of Social Security: should it have at its core the goal of redistributing income, as favored by the political left, or should it be more like a straightforward retirement plan, as favored by the right?

This is one reason why Social Security is so hotly debated. “You get into not only the fiscal aspect of Social Security, but people’s values,” says Jerry Rosenbloom, Frederick H. Ecker Professor of Insurance and Risk Management.

As a starting point, Congress will likely focus on three options that were contained in a 1997 report by the 13-member Advisory Council on Social Security. The council could not reach agreement on a single proposal, so they drafted three, each of which was supported by different members. (The advisory council has been replaced by the five-member Social Security Advisory Board, which has taken no position on the options put forth by the predecessor group.)

One proposal, dubbed the Maintenance of Benefits plan (MB) and supported by six council members, would keep the current Social Security tax and benefit structure pretty much as is. But, among other things, it would increase taxes on Social Security benefits, cover newly hired state and local government workers not currently part of the system (a move that would bring new revenue into the system), and eventually increase payroll tax rates. Most significantly, it would give the government the power to invest as much as 40 percent of the Social Security trust fund in common stocks instead of Treasury bonds.

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