By Nancy Moffitt
Wharton's Andrew Metrick has some surprising answers.
It was a time of near-constant proxy fights, leveraged buyouts, and
corporate raiders, of once indomitable firms like Texaco, TWA,
and Revlon, mired in costly, historic battles with men like T. Boone
Pickens and Ivan Boesky, men who told business students that greed
was a good and healthy thing.
The 1980s forever changed
corporate America. Mergers,
historically a gentlemanly
process, become a battlefield
that ultimately affected
every industry: by 1985,
3,000 transactions took place,
worth a record-breaking
$200 billion.
Firms we rebroken into pieces that were
spun off, layoffs were rampant. "The 1980s looked like a
game of Monopoly come to life," wrote one business writer.
A lot has changed since those Wild West days. Throughout
the 1990s, the takeover frenzy receded. And today's takeover
attempts are typically more strategically motivated, often
involving an interloper hoping to dash a proposed takeover,
or simply trying to acquire a competitor. Nonetheless, a key
remnant of the 1980s remains: the arsenals of anti-takeover
tools, from poison pills and golden parachutes to staggered
boards that many companies put into place during the late
1980s, are quietly intact – and often given nary a strategic
thought.
But a study co-authored by Wharton finance professor
Andrew Metrick could change that. Metrick's study of 1,500
companies and their performance throughout the 1990s,
published this February in The Quarterly Journal of
Economics, found that firms that protected management
rights with anti-takeover provisions significantly under
performed those that gave more power to shareholders.
Shareholders, not management, Metrick's study finds,
best protect shareholders. "If I were a large institutional
shareholder of a company, I would insist they dismantle
their takeover defenses," says Metrick, an associate professor
of finance. "They don't seem to be doing much good, and
they might be doing a lot of harm. Our research suggests
that there's some chance that this would unlock a tremendous
amount of value in an organization."
The study found a striking relationship between corporate
governance and equity prices but also found that firms with
weaker shareholder rights were less profitable, had lower sales
growth, and higher capital expenditures and made more
acquisitions than other firms in their industry. Co-authored
with Harvard Professor Paul Gompers and Harvard graduate
student Joy L. Ishii, the study garnered international media
attention, including writeups in The New York Times,
Financial Times and The Economist.
"When venture capitalists are forming young companies,
they work very hard to write contracts with entrepreneurs
that make the entrepreneurs really beholden to the shareholders
and make them have to listen to the shareholders,"
Metrick says. "There's a reason for this – they want effective
governance. I think that in public companies we've gotten a
little away from that – from management and directors being
beholden to shareholders, having to report back to them; and
if they don't do a good job, the company will get taken over,
and they will get fired. It's not that we want people walking
around every day worrying about their jobs, but I think the
pendulum has swung too far toward entrenching them."
Working with a massive database of companies, Metrick
used 24 different provisions, including takeover defenses
such as poison pills, golden parachutes, and staggered boards,
to build a "governance index" for about 1,500 firms per year.
He then studied the relationship between the index and
several performance measures during the decade of the
1990s. Each year from 1990 to 1999, the shareholderfriendly
or "democratic" firms outperformed the S&P's 500 by 3.5
percentage points, while the pro-management or "dictatorship"
group lagged by about 5 points. Hewlett-Packard,
IBM, Wal-Mart, and DuPont were among the most shareholder-
friendly firms found, while pro-management firms
included Kmart, GTE, Waste Management, Woolworth,
and Time Warner.
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