Wharton Alumni Magazine
Spring 2006
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Proving the Ripple Effect

Several years ago, Barsade found substantial evidence of this ripple effect in an experiment involving business students engaged in a group decision-making exercise. Barsade's team videotaped and analyzed the interactions of four groups of students acting as managers trying to agree on how to divvy up a fixed sum of bonus money among their employees, with each manager arguing on behalf of his or her own candidate.

Unbeknownst to the participants, each group contained a confederate—a drama student named Rick who'd been specially trained to act out a different mood and energy level with each group. The result: even though his requests were the same with all the groups, the participants acted differently in direct response to Rick's mood in their group. In the two groups where he exuded negativity, the other participants took on his bad mood—and behaved less cooperatively. And when he acted calm and happy, the rest of that group was pleasant and cooperative.

"I was in the room," recalls Barsade, "and it was palpable: you could just see the emotions being transferred among the students."

This result wasn't unexpected: over a decade of research has shown evidence of social contagion, and some of the groundbreaking findings made it into Malcolm Gladwell's bestseller The Tipping Point. But even Barsade was surprised by at least one result from her own study: positive emotions were as contagious as negative ones. In fact, in the two groups where Rick acted in low-energy ways, his good mood proved more contagious than his bad mood. That low-energy/positive group, apparently influenced by Rick's demeanor, actually suggested giving him more money than he'd asked for. (And even months after the experiment, when fellow participants would pass Rick in a Wharton building where he was taking one class, they would treat him differently depending upon the mood he'd acted out in their group.) Barsade's conclusion: positive and negative emotions are contagious, and the more positive the emotion the more cooperation and less conflict.

Part of what's interesting about this experiment is that even though the participants were clearly influenced by Rick's mood, none of them seemed aware of what had gone on. In fact, in a post-negotiation multiple-choice survey, everybody connected their personal effectiveness in the negotiation with other factors: nobody seemed to think that their decisions had anything to do with their mood or the mood of others in the room.

Subconscious Reactions Have Measurable Impact

Such obliviousness to the ways emotions affect our thoughts and actions is typical, Barsade says, as emotional decision-making often occurs on a subconscious level. In one study looking at how emotions influenced the hiring of customer service workers for an HMO, she and professor Lorna Doucet of the University of Illinois found that the strongest predictor of somebody's being hired or passed over was not the resume or any other factor; it was the candidate's susceptibility to emotional contagion. The greater a candidate's propensity toward emotional contagion, the less likely he or she was to be rated highly and to be hired. And the interviewers didn't seem to know that they were rating candidates according to that criterion. "Here's an emotional tendency that people are picking up on that they're not necessarily aware they're picking up on," Barsade says.

But it's not just that people made subconscious, gut-level hiring decisions. In this case, the emotional decisions actually made a lot of sense. After all, it's very reasonable that workers hired to answer calls from irate customers cannot be as effective if they're overly swayed by the emotions of others. In fact, the ability to stay even-tempered in such circumstances might be more important to success in this job than any seemingly more rational, objective factor. As Barsade puts it, "It might seem irrational, but for the organization it ultimately makes sense."

Many of the dynamics of social contagion are still a mystery. For example, if both positive and negative emotions are contagious, what determines which emotion prevails in a given group? Do managers and other leaders have much emotional influence on their followers—or are they, as some research suggests, actually more susceptible to emotional contagion than the typical group member? At least one thing is certain, Barsade says: "Whenever we interact with people, we're constantly exchanging mood back and forth." And as the negotiation study showed, even just one person can start an emotional wave that ripples throughout a group. Through enough influential individuals, an organization can develop an emotional culture that has rippled out through people feeling and conveying either positive or negative emotions.

Some organizations understand the power of emotions in the workplace and actively foster a positive emotional culture. Barsade says that Mary Kay Cosmetics encourages "positive programming." Similarly, the professor cites a Southwest Airlines ad that suggests the employees' positive spirit rubs off on customers.

That kind of culture may well attract a certain kind of personality. Barsade describes a videotape of Southwest's former VP of Human Resources Elizabeth Sartain talking about what drew her to the airline. Her boss at her previous company had once chided her for laughing loudly in the hallway, saying it was unprofessional to be "cackling" in that way. Not so at Southwest, Sartain said, where she could laugh with abandon.

By calling her laughter unprofessional, the old boss was clearly expressing his company's norm about emotional expression. (Barsade points out that, oddly enough, more companies are comfortable with expressions of anger than of joy, according to one study.) But the incident also illustrates another area of Barsade's research: emotional diversity among coworkers.

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